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The
New Testament |
The
Trial on Trial
A
Defense of the Authenticity of the Trial Narratives
J. P.
Holding |
[Study Limitations] [Sources of
Information] [Gospel
Perspectives] [Anti-Semitism?]
[Revised
History: Jesus as Zealot] [Secular
Sources] [Arrest of
Jesus] [The
Sanhedrin Hearing] [Blasphemy
Charge] [Sedition and the
Death Penalty] [The Roman
Trial] [The
Mob - Who Were They?] [The Portrayal of
Pilate] [Herod's Role]
[Barabbas]
|
It has
been called "the most important trial in history" - well, that's
highly original; shall we start this a different way?
The
purpose of this essay is to provide an overview of the many issues
and questions surrounding the historicity of the trial(s) of Jesus
Christ as presented in the Gospels. To begin with the
groundwork: |
 Study
Limitations
We will
focus here only on what is directly relevant to the arrest and trial
of Jesus, beginning with (marginally) the intentions of the Jewish
leaders and ending with the leading away to the Crucifixion. We will
exclude, except where tangently related:
- The Last Supper;
- The motivations of Judas;
- The fate of Judas after the arrest;
- Events in the Garden of Gethsemane prior to the arrest of
Jesus; and,
- Peter's denial of Christ.
|
 Sources
with Sauce
The
Gospels, of course, are our primary sources for the trials of Jesus.
An immediate objection raised by skeptics is a simple one - where
did the evangelists get their information from? The Apostles were an
obvious source: John is noted to have accompanied Peter. But even
so, that still leaves the question of sources open. Let's run down
the possible answers and objections to them:
a)
Jesus Himself filled the disciples in after the Resurrection. We
consider this to be the most likely answer. Jesus was with the
disciples for 40 days after the Resurrection - plenty of time to
relate the sundry details of what happened once the more theological
stuff was out of the way. (Perhaps the account of the trial made for
a good campfire story after a long day of serious teaching about the
Kingdom of God! And certainly, Peter would want to know what his
Lord had been put through as he was waiting anxiously in the
courtyard.)
More
specifically, there is good reason to say that the events of the
trial probably were told to the disciples by Jesus -- it would serve
perfectly as a vehicle for His teaching! He was always describing
what would happen to Him, and He could very easily have used the
historical details as the "I told you so...", in a way analogous to
the discussion with Cleopas et al on the Road to Emmaus. Jesus was
big on the fulfillment of prophecy -- cf. John 18.15 -- AS IT
HAPPENED, before it happened, and after it happened. In point of
fact, the accounts of the Passion, the earliest materials of the
gospels probably recorded, contain much of this material. This
pattern of narrative-interspersed-with-theological-explication was
adopted by the evangelists as a METHOD, and hence could easily be
seen as deriving from Jesus as paradigm-teacher. If Jesus related
His Passion in this way, it would certainly explain how the
disciples picked up that practice! And the Passion story, as the
earliest, is the closest to the mouth of Jesus, and thus the least
susceptible to embellishment! (Also, remember that Jesus was
consistently explaining His words and actions to the disciples in
private afterwards -- so why would He not do it in this case?) To
simply dismiss the possibility of Jesus filling in His disciples on
the trial afterwards as "fruits that naive faith can yield"
[Fric.CMJ, 196] is presumptuous at best and circular reasoning at
the worst. Certainly within the Christian paradigm, this cannot be
dismissed as a possibility, if indeed as a likelihood.
However,
even allowing that Jesus might not have given such an account to his
disciples - which we would note as the best, and most parsimonious,
explanation - other witnesses were possible, who might also have
added to the mix:
b) An
account of events could also have come from Sanhedrin delegates
friendly to Jesus - at a minimum, Joseph of Arimathea and
Nicodemus. There may also have been other members of the
Sanhedrin who became well-disposed towards Christianity, but these
two were really all that were needed. And for the trial before
Pilate - well, if Joseph had the verve to ask for Jesus' body, why
not also the verve to ask what happened from Pilate himself?
Skeptics
say little against this possibility. Carmichael [Carm.DJ, 34; see
also Carm.UCO, 87] can only offer in reply that:
...only a pious apologist could resort to this;
it was never thought of by the Gospel writers themselves.
Fricke
[Fric.CMJ, 106], only slightly more realistic in his viewpoint,
admits to the "possibility" of using Joseph as a source, but gripes
that Joseph is:
...mentioned only in connection with Jesus'
burial. He is never cited as a reporter on the trial (which would
have been a key role) and has no significant part in the
Gospels.
Carmichael's subtle slur against the "pious" aside, I
hardly see any reason here to deny that Joseph or Nicodemus could
have been sources of information. Ancient writers saw no obligation
to reveal their sources; hence we would hardly expect Matthew or
Luke to say, "I got this information from Joseph of Arimathea." It
would be a mistake to do as Carmichael and Fricke have done a la
Earl Doherty, and presume 20th-century standards of source citation
upon first-century writers. (As an added note - I would maintain
that Nicodemus provided a great deal of information for the Gospel
of John.) Some may suggest that it is an argument from silence
either way as to whether Joe and Nick were at the trial; but
actually, since it is indicated by Luke that Joe did not agree with
the course of action taken by the Sanhedrin, it is likely either
that he WAS present, or else had someone reporting things to
him.
And
finally:
c)
Minor sources. We may suggest any number of people as sources
for tidbits of information. Jeremias [Jerem.NTT, 267] suggests
gossip from observers of the trials as a source. Brooks [Broo.Mk, 241] suggests servants or assistants of the Sanhedrin. Luke 8:3
notes that Joanna, wife of the manager of Herod's household, was in
Jesus' group; she may well have had access to certain information.
Other possibilities include guards and other prisoners (perhaps
Barabbas himself?), attendants of Pilate, and priests who converted
after the resurrection (Acts 6:7, 15:5).
Wherever
the data came from, however, what is more important is: Do the trial
scenes reflect reality adequately, which would support the idea that
eyewitnesses are in some measure responsible for the Gospel
accounts? Here we get into even meatier issues, and we will enter
upon the particulars
shortly. |
 Great
Expectations: Gospel Perspectives
It is a
habit of some critics to treat the Gospel accounts with an overly
critical eye, and make an extraordinary fuss over the fact that they
do not reveal the information that they desire. Carmichael [Carm.DJ,
40; Carm.UCO, 92] complains of "the extreme barrenness of the
information given" and the "lack of precision" in the trial
accounts. (It is not so barren, however, that he is unwilling to
postulate a "Jesus as revolutionist" scenario based on some rather
wild speculations!) Fricke [Fric.CMJ,
178] , meanwhile, goes to the opposite extreme, saying of the
many "errors" he finds in the trial accounts:
(The evangelists) expected their public to be
unfamiliar with the Jewish law and thus be prepared to accept the
misrepresentation unreservedly.
I find
this highly amusing! Fricke is either saying here that a) the
evangelists WERE familiar with Jewish law, but filed false reports
of it nonetheless because they knew their audience was too stupid to
know better; or, b) they were NOT familiar with Jewish law, and
neither were their readers; and in either case, no one caught them
at it and blew them out of the water! For a), one wonders, if they
were indeed familiar with Jewish law, why they did not give us
reports that were "correct"! As for b), Fricke is obviously unaware
of the fact that Jerusalem/Judean and Diaspora Jews were among those
whom the NT was addressed to - and at least some of those were
certainly familiar with the subtler precepts of Jewish law,
especially considering the emphasis placed in Judaism upon learning
specifics of interpretation! They would smell something fishy if
they could not make sense out of even the bare-bones account of the
Sanhedrin action!
But the
question remains: Is it truly realistic and reasonable to expect the
kind of certitude that Carmichael implicitly demands from the Gospel
writers? Quite frankly, no. As part of our answer, it will be
necessary to briefly recap some of the material we have used in this
article relative to Gospel authorship - for understanding WHO
wrote the trial accounts is a key to understanding WHY they were
written as they were.
We
presume, based on data presented in the just-linked article, that
the following represents the authorship and purpose of each Gospel,
other than as ancient biographies (bioi):
Matthew
- by the Apostle and tax collector; formulated as a teaching
gospel
Mark -
by the secretary of Peter; based on Peter's preaching
Luke -
by the companion of Paul; intended as a historical
document
John -
by the Apostle; a kerygmatic and missionary presentation
Now with
these things in mind, it should be asked: Which of these accounts
would be expect to be done best, according to the standards of
historical reportage? Obviously, the answer is Luke: As he has been
reckoned worthy as a historian, we expect the most accurate
representation of chronology from him.
On the
other hand, Matthew and Mark - one being a teaching aid, the other
being a reporting of the teaching and preaching of Peter - we may
well expect to take illustrative liberties with their information.
And this, note well, is not counter to the notion of inerrancy; for
understanding the purposes of these writers is essential to
understanding why what they report is NOT in error, where skeptics
presume them to be. Relative to the trial accounts, let's look at an
example.
Many
critics assume that Matthew and Mark report a nighttime meeting of
the Sanhedrin and from there make certain deductions about the
historicity of the report itself (see below). Let's look at an
extended sample from Matthew to understand why:
Those who had arrested Jesus took him to
Caiaphas, the high priest, where the teachers of the law and the
elders had assembled. But Peter followed him at a distance, right
up to the courtyard of the high priest. He entered and sat down
with the guards to see the outcome. The chief priests and the
whole Sanhedrin were looking for false evidence against Jesus so
that they could put him to death. But they did not find any,
though many false witnesses came forward. Finally two came forward
and declared, "This fellow said, 'I am able to destroy the temple
of God and rebuild it in three days.'" Then the high priest stood
up and said to Jesus, "Are you not going to answer? What is this
testimony that these men are bringing against you?" But Jesus
remained silent. The high priest said to him, "I charge you under
oath by the living God: Tell us if you are the Christ, the Son of
God." "Yes, it is as you say," Jesus replied. "But I say to all of
you: In the future you will see the Son of Man sitting at the
right hand of the Mighty One and coming on the clouds of heaven."
Then the high priest tore his clothes and said, "He has spoken
blasphemy! Why do we need any more witnesses? Look, now you have
heard the blasphemy. What do you think?" "He is worthy of death,"
they answered. Then they spit in his face and struck him with
their fists. Others slapped him and said, "Prophesy to us, Christ.
Who hit you?"
Now Peter was sitting out in the courtyard, and a
servant girl came to him. "You also were with Jesus of Galilee,"
she said. But he denied it before them all. "I don't know what
you're talking about," he said. Then he went out to the gateway,
where another girl saw him and said to the people there, "This
fellow was with Jesus of Nazareth." He denied it again, with an
oath: "I don't know the man!" After a little while, those standing
there went up to Peter and said, "Surely you are one of them, for
your accent gives you away." Then he began to call down curses on
himself and he swore to them, "I don't know the man!" Immediately
a rooster crowed. Then Peter remembered the word Jesus had spoken:
"Before the rooster crows, you will disown me three times." And he
went outside and wept bitterly.
Early in the morning, all the chief priests and
the elders of the people came to the decision to put Jesus to
death.
The
presumption is that Matthew (and Mark) reads events as follows:
- Jesus was taken to Caiaphas.
- The whole Sanhedrin was assembled, and tried Jesus,
finding him guilty.
- Peter, standing outside, denied Jesus three times.
- In the morning, the Sanhedrin met again, deciding on a
sentence.
From this many deductions are made - but I daresay that they
are the result of misunderstanding the purposes of Matthew and Mark.
We will explain that in a moment; first, let's look at the relevant
selection from Luke:
Then seizing him, they led him away and
took him into the house of the high priest. Peter followed at a
distance. But when they had kindled a fire in the middle of the
courtyard and had sat down together, Peter sat down with them. A
servant girl saw him seated there in the firelight. She looked
closely at him and said, "This man was with him." But he denied
it. "Woman, I don't know him," he said. A little later someone
else saw him and said, "You also are one of them." "Man, I am
not!" Peter replied. About an hour later another asserted,
"Certainly this fellow was with him, for he is a Galilean." Peter
replied, "Man, I don't know what you're talking about!" Just as he
was speaking, the rooster crowed. The Lord turned and looked
straight at Peter. Then Peter remembered the word the Lord had
spoken to him: "Before the rooster crows today, you will disown me
three times." And he went outside and wept
bitterly...
The men who were guarding Jesus began
mocking and beating him. They blindfolded him and demanded,
"Prophesy! Who hit you?" And they said many other insulting
things...
This looks to be a different order of events from Matthew
and Mark - is there a contradiction here? No, not really: We must
realize that Matthew and Mark, because their purpose is to TEACH
converts to the Gospel, have purposely juxtaposed the events of
Peter's denial in order to act as a comparison to the "good
confession" made by Christ! Historical order, then, was of secondary
importance to theology [Bamm.TJ, 55-6]
- which, we stress, is NOT to say that history was invented for
the purpose, which is another assertion entirely! (Mark in
particular uses what is called a "sandwich" technique in which
pericopes are arranged with the purpose of filling spaces of time -
and this is exactly what was done with Peter's denial in the trial
narrative. He may also have arranged the material in that manner for
a doubly ironic effect: In Mark 14:65, Jesus is mocked as a prophet
because of a prediction He made [re the Son of Man coming on the
clouds] in 14:62; but then, 14:66-72 demonstrates the fulfillment of
His prediction of Peter's denial in 14:30. This establishes an
irony: At the same time that Jesus is being mocked as a prophet, one
of His prophecies is coming to pass! - see Sloy.JT, 47; Juel.MTm,
71.)
Finally, let us understand a further limitation: Despite
Fricke's implications, we may not assume that the Gospel writers in
question - not even Luke - was by any means intimately familiar with
the detailed procedures of Jewish or Roman justice, or if they were,
that they had a need or an interest in making sure that their
accounts were technically correct! Just as today, the average person
would hardly know the technical difference between an evidentiary
hearing and a full-fledged trial, so it is that the Gospel writers
could hardly be expected to have and/or report an intimate
familiarity with the legal technicalities of the prosecution of
Jesus. They reported what they saw and heard, or perhaps what they
thought their readers would understand; hence, it is no surprise
that we, also lacking understanding and knowledge, may receive
incorrect impressions from their reports - as for example Winter
does [Wint.TJ,
26] , when he says of the writer of Mark's Gospel:
...it was the purpose of the writer of
Mark 14:64b to assert that a formal sentence of death had been
passed by the entire Jewish Senate.
However, we will find that it is the reliable historian
Luke, along with John, who present us with the most accurate
technical picture, as we shall see below - and this is recognized by
Catchpole: "...it is in the Luke-John tradition of the trial of
Jesus that material of high historical value may be found..." [Bamm.TJ, 65;
see also
Sloy.JT, 73] . This is not to say that Mark and Matt are ahistorical; they
should simply be understood in purpose/context and within the
limitations of the writers, and it should not be assumed that they
are asserting something which they do not state directly and
precisely. Mark and Matt may well have perceived of some formal
action taking place; but barring a technical legal description, we
have no right to interpret the proceedings under the standard of
being technically, "correctly" reported in a way that would satisfy
a legal expert. The admonition of Wilson [Wils.ExJ,
114] is quite relevant here:
We attempt the impossible when we try to
transform these first Christians into modern-day court reporters
who can satisfy our curiosity on every legal
point.
Similarly, speaking only of Mark's Gospel - though we would
say this of ALL the Gospels to varying degrees - Sanders [Sand.HistF,
265] warns that it cannot be read "in a very precise way, as if
it were a court-recorders' transcript." Bottom line: The Gospel
writers may well not have understood the significance of every word
and every action in the proceedings as they received them, just as
we may not understand the importance of every word or deed in a
courtroom today. (Witness the extensive coverage of the cataloging
of evidence in the Simpson trial! Obviously some television and
radio producers thought it would be exciting - they clearly knew no
better!) So, we should not place any unreasonable demands upon the
Gospel accounts by any means, and then draw outrageous conclusions
from our own faulty
presuppositions! |
 Ardent
Anti-Semitism?
[The
Charge] [Who Killed
Jesus?] ["The Jews"
- Meaning] [Polemic:
Judea vs. Rome]
One of
the most difficult issues to approach in this area is the historic
anti-Semitism that has been unjustly derived from the Gospel
accounts. Needless to say, the Christian church has a great deal
historically to answer for in this regard. Crossan [Cross.WKJ,
ix] , for example, makes note of a Passiontide ceremony of the
9th through 11th century, "in which a Jew was brought into the
cathedral of Toulouse to be given a symbolic blow by the count - an
honor!" (On the other hand, Crossan, rather strangely, observes: "No
Roman, one notices, was accorded a like honor." (!) May we ask where
9th-11th century Europeans would find an ancient Roman?) And Fricke [Fric.CMJ,
viii] bewails:
Whenever 'Christians' gave vent to their hatred
of Jews, they cited the Gospels - those of Matthew and John in
particular - in support of their actions.
Fricke
has rightly put the word "Christians" in quotes - for no true
believer could derive anti-Semitism from what are, after all, the
most Jewish of the Gospels!
So we
come down to this: Is the anti-Semitic view grounded in a correct
reading of the NT, or is it merely the invention of those who wish
to justify their own previously-held anti-Semitism? Evidence
indicates strongly that it is the latter. Glenn Miller has performed
an analysis of this question which we will draw upon, though we
shall not delve too deeply into the issue - which would require
writing another essay entirely! The net of the data is: 1) Both the
content of Scripture, and its cultural context, demonstrate that
justification for anti-Semitism is no more found in the NT generally
or the trial accounts specifically, than is justification for racism
or any other sin of your choice; 2) Responsibility for the death of
Jesus is placed upon, in order - a) the Jewish leadership; b)
Jerusalemite Jews, in particular, the crowd before Pilate; c) Pilate
and Herod. |
 Who
Killed Jesus?
Let's go
straight to the horse's mouth. Who does the NT say killed Jesus?
Miller cites the following verses as evidence:
•Matt 27.1 - "all the chief priests and the
elders of the people came to the decision to put Jesus to death".
(Matthew)
•Lk 23.13-20 - "the chief priests, the rulers and
the people," (Luke)--obviously not ALL the people; just the
'crowd'
•Acts 2.36(w 14) - "Fellow Jews and all of you
who live in Jerusalem," (the apostle Peter)
•Acts 10.39 - "We are witnesses of everything he
did in the country of the Jews and in Jerusalem. They killed him
by hanging him on a tree (Peter)
•I Thess 2.14 - You suffered from your own
countrymen the same things those churches suffered from the Jews,
15 who killed the Lord Jesus and the prophets and also drove us
out. (Paul)
•Acts 13.27 - The people of Jerusalem and their
rulers did not recognize Jesus, yet in condemning him they
fulfilled the words of the prophets that are read every Sabbath.
28 Though they found no proper ground for a death sentence, they
asked Pilate to have him executed. (Paul) Notice 'people' is
restricted to those in Jerusalem who asked for the execution--the
'crowd' again.
•Mt 26.3 - Then the chief priests and the elders
of the people assembled in the palace of the high priest, whose
name was Caiaphas, 4 and they plotted to arrest Jesus in some sly
way and kill him. (Matthew)
•Mt 27.1,20 - But the chief priests and the
elders persuaded the crowd to ask for Barabbas and to have Jesus
executed. (Matthew)
•Acts 5.27 - Having brought the apostles, they
made them appear before the Sanhedrin to be questioned by the high
priest. 28 "We gave you strict orders not to teach in this name,"
he said. "Yet you have filled Jerusalem with your teaching and are
determined to make us guilty of this man's blood." 29 Peter and
the other apostles replied: "We must obey God rather than men! 30
The God of our fathers raised Jesus from the dead -- whom you had
killed by hanging him on a tree. (Peter, accusing the Sanhedrin--a
mixed priestly and lay aristocratic ruling body)
To these
we may also add:
Luke 13:33-4 In any case, I must keep going today
and tomorrow and the next day--for surely no prophet can die
outside Jerusalem! "O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, you who kill the
prophets and stone those sent to you, how often I have longed to
gather your children together, as a hen gathers her chicks under
her wings, but you were not willing!
Weatherly [Weath.JwLKA,
55] observes here that Jerusalem "is named not only as the site
of the deaths of the prophets but is personified as the agent of
those deaths." In line with a standard practice of depiction of
opponents, a city is named in its entirety as the foe - even though
not every person, indeed not necessarily a majority, was the actor
in the case. (An example of this is found in a source we have seen
elsewhere: the Mara Bar-Serapion letter [see here].
Note that Mara pins the consequences of Socrates' death on ALL of
Athens, without qualification; the consequences of Pythagoras' death
on ALL of Samos, again without qualification; and the death of Jesus
on ALL Jews - again without qualification, and going much farther
than the NT writers did in that regard!)
Now
although some of these verses are very precise in where the blame is
to be fixed, time and again, here and elsewhere, we see this phrase
"the Jews" pop up - this is a key to our understanding, so it should
be looked at further, for it has the appearance, to our eyes, of a
blanket condemnation of all
Jews. |
 Who
Are "The Jews"?
From the
data, Miller concludes that responsibility for the death of Jesus is
pinned upon the leadership--both civil and religious-- of Jerusalem.
But wait! some may cry. What about those many reference to "the
Jews" in the Gospel of John and elsewhere, saying, the Jews did this
or that, and were eventually responsible for what happened to Jesus?
Does that not indicate a broad brush of the entire Jewish people? Or
as Fricke [Fric.CMJ, 124] cries, citing John 8:44 -
To John not only is Judas a devil, but all Jews
are the devil's offspring.
Actually, Fricke is badly misreading the text here;
Jesus is clearly speaking to rather a small group of people! They
are indeed referred to as "the Jews" - but what does this phrase
mean? The evidence indicates that "the Jews" does mean all of the
Jewish people - and does not, depending on the context! Again, we
start with Miller's data:
The term "Jews" can refer to either the
leadership (strictly) OR to the people (more generally)
1.The data indicates that 'Jews' referred to
something broader than the simple 'corrupt temple
hierarchy':
•in John 1.19,24 - the Jews 'sent' the religious
leaders to discover what was going on
•a comparison of John 18.14 with 11.49 indicates
that Jews referred to the Sanhedrin (generally considered to be a
group composed of the priestly aristocracy and lay nobility)--see
ZPEB, "Sanhedrin".
•Luke 23.13 ("Pilate called together the chief
priests, the rulers and the people") and Mt 26.47 ("sent from the
chief priests and the elders of the people")show that the 'rulers'
involved with distinct from the 'priests'.
•Conclusion: "Jews" in a leadership sense, was
broad enough to include the lay aristocracy.
2.Many of the "Jews" became believers--Jn 11:45
and 12.11 3.There are numerous passages that indicate that the
"Jews" were DISTINCT FROM the common people (many of whom accepted
Christ as their messiah):
•John 7. 13 (But no one would say anything
publicly about him for fear of the Jews.)--the common folk were
afraid of the "Jews" (=> NOT THE SAME)
•John 9.22 (His parents said this because they
were afraid of the Jews, for already the Jews had decided that
anyone who acknowledged that Jesus was the Christ would be put out
of the synagogue.)
•John 12.12 -- the Triumphal Entry -- the crowd
accepted him!
•Mt 23.37 ("O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, you who kill
the prophets and stone those sent to you, how often I have longed
to gather your children together, as a hen gathers her chicks
under her wings, but you were not willing.) - the difference
between the leadership ("you") and the people ("your children").
•John 2.23 - (Now while he was in Jerusalem at
the Passover Feast, many people saw the miraculous signs he was
doing and believed in his name.)
•John 7.25 - (At that point some of the people of
Jerusalem began to ask, "Isn't this the man they are trying to
kill? 26 Here he is, speaking publicly, and they are not saying a
word to him. Have the authorities really concluded that he is the
Christ?)--Note the difference between the 'people of Jerusalem'
and the 'authorities'.
3.The data is VERY strong that when the term
"Jews" is used of the PEOPLE, it is a good (or at least, neutral)
term--indicating that it is not a 'racial/ethnic' slur, but a term
used for specific identification (in context) of that ruling
community that violently rejected their King.
•John 4.22 - Jesus affirms: "You Samaritans
worship what you do not know; we worship what we do know, for
salvation is from the Jews."
•John 12.9-11 - ( Meanwhile a large crowd of Jews
found out that Jesus was there and came, not only because of him
but also to see Lazarus, whom he had raised from the dead. 10 So
the chief priests made plans to kill Lazarus as well, 11 for on
account of him many of the Jews were going over to Jesus and
putting their faith in him.)
•Mt 27.11 - ( Meanwhile Jesus stood before the
governor, and the governor asked him, "Are you the king of the
Jews?" "Yes, it is as you say," Jesus replied.)
•Acts 2.5, 14 - (Now there were staying in
Jerusalem God-fearing Jews from every nation under heaven.) and
(Then Peter stood up with the Eleven, raised his voice and
addressed the crowd: "Fellow Jews and all of you who live in
Jerusalem,)
•Acts 14.1 - (At Iconium Paul and Barnabas went
as usual into the Jewish synagogue. There they spoke so
effectively that a great number of Jews and Gentiles believed. 2
But the Jews who refused to believe stirred up the Gentiles and
poisoned their minds against the brothers.) - NOTE: BOTH usages
(hostile leadership, believing people) present in the SAME
passage.
•Acts 21.20 - (Then they said to Paul: "You see,
brother, how many thousands of Jews have believed, and all of them
are zealous for the law.) .So, how did the term 'JEWS' get
expanded from solely a reference to the people (a la Ezra, Neh) to
pick up a SECOND meaning of 'hostile leadership'?
•The NT shows the development of the term to
parallel Paul's experiences with hostile Jewish leadership OUTSIDE
Jerusalem! (And these experiences were such that the hostile
leadership had much more 'control' over the general Jewish
populations--due to the smaller numbers). The "Jews" (hostile
leadership) swayed the "Jews" (the people at large)--as well as
the Gentiles (see Acts 14 above!)-- against Paul's message. But
the culpable ones were the former.
•There is absolutely NO evidence within the NT to
suggest that the term was IN ANY WAY related to a general
anti-Semitism of the Roman empire! (It is serious conjecture to
'read in' some Roman anti-Semitism in NT
passages).
•And, even as Paul experienced the hostility of
the dispersed leadership, even then many 'Jews' believed (Act
17:12 - Now the Bereans were of more noble character than the
Thessalonians, for they received the message with great eagerness
and examined the Scriptures every day to see if what Paul said was
true. 12 Many of the Jews believed, as did also a number of
prominent Greek women and many Greek men.)
•This general motif of the "Jews" (hostile
aristocratic leadership) constraining the "Jews" (the general
Jewish populace) from their experience of God's goodness is a
surprisingly dominant theme in the teachings of Jesus:
•Mt 23: 37 - ("O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, you who
kill the prophets and stone those sent to you, how often I have
longed to gather your children together, as a hen gathers her
chicks under her wings, but you were not willing. 38 Look, your
house is left to you desolate.")
•Mt 23: 15 - ("Woe to you, teachers of the law
and Pharisees, you hypocrites! You travel over land and sea to win
a single convert, and when he becomes one, you make him twice as
much a son of hell as you are.)
•Mt 23: 13 - ("Woe to you, teachers of the law
and Pharisees, you hypocrites! You shut the kingdom of heaven in
men's faces. You yourselves do not enter, nor will you let those
enter who are trying to.) is worth noting that John's gospel is
deliberately evangelistic, and the general trend of scholarship
today is to view his intended audience as not just Jews, but
SPECIFICALLY the Jews of the Diaspora--the ones Paul used the
terms "JEWS" on so strongly!
As Carson notes in his Intro to the New
Testament, p 171.:
The constant allusions to the Old Testament show
that John's intended readership is biblically literate; his
translation of Semitic expressions (e.g., 1:38, 42; 4:25; 19:13,
17) shows he is writing to those whose linguistic competence is in
Greek. His strong denunciation of the "the Jews" cannot be taken
as a mark against this thesis: John may well have an interest in
driving a wedge between ordinary Jews and (at least) some of their
leaders. The fourth gospel is not as anti-Jewish as some people
thin anyway: salvation is still said to be "from the Jews" (4.22),
and often the referent of "the Jews" is "the Jews in Judea" or
"the Jewish leaders" or the like. "Anti-Semitic" is simply the
wrong category to apply to the fourth gospel: whatever hostilities
are present turn on theological issues related to the acceptance
or rejection of revelation, not on race. How could it be
otherwise, when all of the first Christians were Jews and when, on
this reading, both the fourth evangelist and his primary readers
were Jews and Jewish proselytes?
Conclusions:
1.When "Jews" is used of the hostile aristocratic
leadership, it is appropriate and truthful to ascribe the primary
responsibility (see John 19:11 for the relative roles of Pilate
and the High Priest - "Jesus answered, "You would have no power
over me if it were not given to you from above. Therefore the one
who handed me over to you is guilty of a greater sin.") for His
execution to them.
2.When "Jews" is used of the general populace, it
is used in a VERY POSITIVE sense (and in some passages, in a
neutral sense), but is NEVER used in an 'anti-Semitic' slur.
3.THEREFORE--to assert that John (and the wider
Christian community) attributed the death of Jesus to the GENERAL
POPULACE known as "Jews" is FUNDAMENTALLY MISTAKEN; and that to
accuse certain first-century Jews of being 'anti-Semitic' because
of some general Roman cultural trend is entirely without
foundation.
To this
we may add the following observation:
4. This
usage is NOT limited to the writers of the NT! Josephus regularly
uses the phrase, "the Jews" - and he uses it in much the same way:
"absolutely or with modifiers which suggest a general reference in
context, where the reference is clearly to specific groups of Jews."
[Weath.JwLKA, 110 - see pages following for a catalogue of
examples.] In addition, Malcolm Lowe, in his article "Who Were the
Juduaio?" (NovT XVIII, 101ff) shows that the term "the Jews"
was used primarily to refer to persons who were inhabitants
of the region of Judaea, so that "the Jews" is no more of a slur
than "the Bostonians" or "the Creatans". The phrase was only used
secondarily as a religious reference, but then only in opposition to
Gentiles. Lowe finds only a small number of places in the NT
where "the Jews" is such a religious reference; one, Luke 7:3, is so
because Luke has elsewhere used "elders of Israel" to refer to the
Sanhedrin.
The
Scriptures, then, place no blame on Jews as a people for the
execution of Jesus. And even then, history shows that the actions of
the Jewish leadership can be blamed indirectly on the Romans. Rivkin
[Rivk.WCJ, 118] points out that the high priest was appointed not as
a descendant of Aaron, as the law required, but by the Romans. The
institutions of government at the time of Jesus, in that place, were
in direct opposition to the requirements of the Law. Thus, Rivkin:
The political climate created revolutionaries; and "...it emerges
with great clarity, both from Josephus and the Gospels, that the
culprit is not the Jews, but the Roman imperial system." [ibid.,
117] Concerns in this area should focus not on the Gospel writings,
but on their misinterpretations which continue to this day - with
some racist and anti-Semitic groups going as far as turning Jesus
into an Irish monk or into the perfect Aryan!
|
 Judea
vs. Rome
Two
related questions that come up are: Aren't the Gospels, and
particularly the trial accounts, a polemic against Judaism, and
therefore anti-Semitic? And why is there not a polemic against Rome,
since it was the Romans who crucified Jesus; indeed, why is Rome
cast in such a positive light, since Rome too persecuted
Christians?
The
Gospels are, indeed, in some ways a polemic against the claims of
Judaism against Christianity; but this does not equate with
anti-Semitism. But let's answer the second question first, drawing
again upon groundwork laid by Miller.
1. For the earliest Christians, Rome was NOT a
specific antagonist. Rome was the antagonist of ALL the
Jews--Christians included, esp. in Palestine. The Christian 'sect'
in Judaism wasn't isolated from Judaism until the temple prayers
were changed at the end of the 1st century (the 12th of the 18
benedictions, cursing "Nazarenes").
2. Christians were not singled out for
persecution in Rome until the Neronian times (64 ad.), LONG AFTER
the oral traditions of the Synoptics would have included the
Pilate-passages.
Let me
add here: The lack of polemic against Rome can be taken as evidence
that the Gospels were composed relatively early! (See link above.)
3. The accounts of Pilate's wavering,
capitulating to the crowd, and ultimately releasing a known
insurgent (i.e. Barabbas) could hardly be construed as a favorable
account for Rome!
We hold
a slightly different view of what Pilate did here (see below). Even
so, it is not much more complimentary to Rome!
4. The next generation of early Christians, who
experienced many of the persecutions, had NO QUALMS about pointing
the finger at Rome. For example, Clement of Rome and Ignatius were
VERY EXPLICIT in the details of the Roman persecution of
believers.. All the later data we have about Roman officials and
actions in the Book of Acts certainly doesn't support this
whitewashing argument. Felix and Festus are certainly not
presented in the best of light, and the treatment of Paul at the
hands of Roman officials (Act 16:22,37) is hardly
complimentary!
I'll add
here that the story of the conversion of the centurion Cornelius
would probably serve to make the Romans angry also, even if it is
regarded as fictional! How presumptuous that would seem!
And, in all candor, the average 'pagan neighbor'
of the day did NOT identify that much with Roman authorities
ANYWAY. They generally could have cared less about 'who killed
Jesus'...the issue for all of them was their personal situation
and need.
But
then, what of the Gospels as an "anti-Jewish" polemic? The reason
for this is actually quite simple: It is because one of the major
stumbling blocks for early Christianity was the problem of a Jewish
Messiah that very few Jews believed in! Christianity in its early
days HAD to focus on those who provided the main objections to the
faith, both implicitly AND explicitly. The implicit rejection of the
supposed Jewish Messiah, and the explicit arguments made by Jewish
citizens and leaders against Christianity, must surely have been
cause for consideration among potential Gentile converts! The
evangelists were doing nothing more than addressing the arguments
that would inevitably be addressed to
THEM! |
 Reactionary
Revisionism
[Introduction:
Outlandish Premisses] [Signs
Among Jesus' Disciples] [Jesus as
Pharisee] [Arming
with Swords] [The
Triumphal Entry] [A
Needless Theory]
We have
thus shown that there is no cause for anti-Semitism found in the
Gospels. However, our age of political correctness has brought about
some peculiar permutations, thanks to the twisted idea that the
Gospel accounts generally, and the trial accounts particularly, are
anti-Semitic. Cohn [Cohn.TDJ, 89, 114, 134], for example, adopts the
outlandish premise that the Jewish leadership LOVED Jesus (!) and
was trying to save Him from the Roman death penalty! To that end,
the Jewish police asked for and received permission to accompany the
Roman arresting party (which would run counter to everything we know
about the Roman praxis!) and took Jesus into custody in order to see
if He could be saved. But their efforts failed when Jesus would not
shut up about His messianic claims, and so Caiaphas rent his
garments in DESPAIR (!!) over not being able to save Jesus from His
execution! Such wild historical revisionism is as outrageous as that
used by anti-Semites to justify their own perversions!
On the
other hand, it also seems that anti-Semitism is not a necessary base
for entering into historical revisionism. Crossan [Cross.WKJ, 84],
engaging the usual "Jesus Seminar" line, rejects nearly all
semblance of historicity in the trial accounts, and asserts that
"the trial of Jesus was first created by historicization of Psalm
2." In other words, the Christians simply searched the Scriptures
for relevant stuff and tailor-made history to what they read! We are
obliged to wonder, given Crossan's questionable methodologies and
assumptions and the fact that he rarely deigns to address matters of
historical realism, whether it is not HE who is "creating history"
by inventing, without a shred of evidence, Scripture-searching
Christians who engaged in historical revisionism of their
own!
James Still does not
cite anti-Semitism, but he does engage in some radical revisions and
interpretations to maintain that Jesus was the Hebrew equivalent of
Timothy McVeigh. He concludes in his essay on this topic:
We can
safely conclude at this point that Jesus was indeed supportive of
the Zealot movement if not in deed, then certainly in principle.
If Jesus were seeking the throne as the evidence suggests, he
would have enlisted the aid of the militant Zealots. Also his
actions as a claimant to the throne of Israel--which surely would
have involved a rEBellion of some sort for the Romans were not
likely to cede authority quietly--made him guilty of sedition
against Rome. Jesus was a patriot for the restoration of Israel.
His motives were political and the context of his actions as we
find in the more credible portions of the Gospels supports this
conclusion.
Here, what "the more
credible portions of the Gospels" are is not delineated, but seems
to indicate, "those that agree with the point of view of James
Still" - and indeed, those who hold to this absurdly outdated theory
of Jesus-as-Zealot must inevitably resort to games of Veg-o-matic
with the NT in order to maintain their viewpoint. It will not be our
purpose here to take a complete look at these theories; rather, we
recommend that the reader consult Hengel's magisterial work on the
subject [Heng.Z], and an earlier, much smaller work [Heng.JRev],
which will make it quite clear that there could have been no
significant correspondence between Jesus and the Zealot movement.
(See especially pp. 297-8 of the former, where Hengel notes seven
major divergences between Jesus and the Zealot movement.) For now,
let's look at a few of these strained interpretations, from a
variety of sources, with Still as the primer for the
pump:
1.Several of Jesus' disciples were known Zealots,
e.g., Simon the Zealot (Lk. 6:15); Simon Peter who was known as
"Bar-jona" (Mt. 16:17) a derivation of "baryona" Aramaic for
"outlaw" which was a common name applied to Zealots; James and
John shared the nickname "Boanerges" or in Hebrew "benei ra'ash"
which is to say "sons of thunder" another common Zealot reference;
and the most famous Zealot was Judas Iscariot, "Iscariot" a
corruption of the Latin "sicarius" or "knife-man" which was a
common Roman reference to Zealots.
Some comments here:
a) Re Simon - as is well known, the "bar-" prefix means "son of"
in a Judean context. We must suppose, then, that anyone who had a
father named Jonah/Jonas had to withstand this sort of punning
indignity - rather than attempt to bolster our extremely weak theory
by supposing that it was a deliberate fabrication of the name of
Peter's father, simply to establish some sort of Zealot connection!
At any rate, there is no guarantee that "barjona" means exclusively
"outlaw" (in some Talmudic contexts, it "means simply bad,
undisciplined people" [Heng.Z, 54n] ), and Peter as "Simon son of John" is a far better attested
reading (cf. John 1:42, 21:15) than "son of Jonah," meaning that the
latter is probably the result of a scribal miscue. And to put the
icing on the cake, Hengel [ibid., 56] adds that it is:
...very uncertain as to whether the Jewish rebels
of the period preceding 70 AD were ever called (barjone) in the
sense of 'outlaws' by their compatriots. With few exceptions, the
term was used at a relatively late period and it is too slight a
point of departure on which to base wider conclusions,
particularly where the Gospels are concerned.
And later Hengel adds [ibid., 74] that the term "may perhaps
point to (the barjone) outward way of life in the mountains and the
desert" - not necessarily to their profession.
b) Re "sons of thunder" - most commentators take this to refer to
their temperament - not some sort of military/political themed
connection. (And if it does refer to hot-headedness, is it any
surprise that it was applied widely among the hot-headed Zealots? It
is far more likely that the general appellation PRECEDED the Zealot
appellation!)
c) Re "sicarius" - Well, this does not help much, since Judas was
the bad guy! If he betrayed Jesus, then that would suggest (if Judas
truly WAS a "knife-man") that Jesus was not living up to his
expectations - which leads to the idea that Jesus Himself was NOT a
Zealot! Even so, it has never been satisfactorily resolved whether
"Iscariot" derives from "sicarius" or from "man of Kerioth" - the
debate remains alive to this day, and the former suggestion suffers
in that [Heng.Z, 46-8]:
1) The term itself is found only in Josephus, who "reports the
appearance of a 'new kind of robber in Jerusalem' " during the reign
of Felix - quite some time AFTER Judas I. killed himself!
2) There is no evidence for any earlier occurrence of the
term;
3) The term itself, as Still admits, has Latin origins, which
suggests that it originated with the Romans - not with the Jews.
Thus it is not something that Judas, his family. or his Jewish
social circle would have been likely to apply to him as a
name.
d) re Simon the Z-man: This is the one place where Still might
have a point, but Hengel asserts that it "must be left open" whether
the appellation means "of the Zealot party" or "a zealous guy all
around" - and even with the former, the textual evidence has only
the same weight as that which could be used to say that Jesus'
association with Matthew and other tax collectors makes Him a friend
of the Romans! (And incidentally, to true Zealots, ANY association
with tax collectors "had to appear absolutely a betrayal." [Heng.JRev,
24] That was the last thing Jesus should have done if He wanted
to be in with the Zealots!) But as it happens, Bruce Winter in
After Paul Left Corinth [38] notes that the word "zealot" was
applied to a disciple of a teacher, and had been used for a long
time in the academy to describe the exclusive loyalty that was
expected of a student. It may be no surprise that Luke alone, a
Gentile writer, uses the term for Simon.
The implication of the Gospels, at any rate, is that anyone who
became a disciple of Jesus, became an "ex-" whatever they were
before - Matthew became an ex-tax collector; Peter, an ex-fisherman;
thus Simon, an ex-Zealot [ibid, 10n].
2.The Zealot movement was a breakaway from the
Pharisees who themselves sympathized with the nationalistic causes
espoused by the Zealots and were awaiting a Messiah to seize the
throne of Israel. Jesus himself is attributed with many sayings
that are Pharisaic in, e.g., Mt. 7:12, Mk 2:27, Jn 7:22, B. Yoma
85b (Talmud), Mt. 7:15; and Jesus' own affinity for the poor
demonstrate Pharisaic philosophy. Jesus' actions that are not
depoliticized in the gospels (partially referenced here) indicate
that Jesus sympathized with the Zealot cause.
Here is a common "all-or-nothing" error. No doubt some of what
Jesus said and did was agreeable to the Pharisees; he would hardly
be a Jew otherwise! Even the Sadducees and Pharisees had SOME common
ground! But there is much in Jesus' teaching that is plainly
counter-Pharisaic [Bamm.TJ,
48-50] , including the antitheses of the Sermon on the Mount,
which set Jesus "well outside the frontiers of Pharisaism." (For a
brief, but relevant, analysis of the Pharisaic movement, and of the
relationship to Jesus, see Bwk.JPh.)
3.The Zealot Judas, refers to Jesus as "Rabbi" a
Pharisaic-title. (Mk 14:45) Many scholars subscribe to the "walks
like a duck, must be a duck" philosophy and go as far as to say
that Jesus himself was a Pharisee rabbi. The evidence does seem to
support this conclusion, although Jesus seems to favor a more
apocalyptic flavor of fringe Pharisaic thought. The "Jesus as
Essene" theory still captivates many scholars as well--a theory
that would also support his role of political Messiah as argued
here.
We've handled "Jesus as Pharisee" above - the evidence does NOT
support this conclusion, except when we play Veg-o-matic with the
NT. As for "Jesus as Essene" - that captivates no scholars that I
know of today, other than Barbara "Find A Code" Thiering; and the
disagreements between Jesus and the Essenes are far greater. (One
writer has half-jokingly suggested that if Jesus visited Qumran, the
Essenes would probably have spit on Him - assuming they weren't too
frightened of his accompanying burly Galileean fishermen!)
4.Jesus equipped his followers with swords in
anticipation of trouble. (Lk 22:36-38) and at least one of Jesus'
supporters scuffled with the Temple police to aid in resisting
Jesus' arrest. (Mk 14:47)
Well, talk about an overstated case! The passage in Luke refers
to only TWO swords - and during the so-called "scuffle," there was
nothing but Peter slicing off a servant's ear, followed by Jesus
instructing Peter to put his sword away! (Carmichael [Carm.DJ, 119] , to support his own Jesus = revolutionist view, has a ready
explanation: The command to put the sword away was a later
interpolation! When it gets down to explanations like THAT, with NO
textual evidence, we know we're in sardine territory!!!) I think
Brown
[Brow.DMh,
689] has rightly admonished those who read such things into
this passage:
...such an isolated instance of spontaneous defense
that could have occurred in a melee of any period is scarcely
indicative of belonging to a resistance movement.
The swords in question, at any rate, were not the longswords of
our medieval television programs. This would most likely have been a
Jewish short sword - a dagger used as protection against wild
animals and robbers, considered so essential that even the
"peace-loving Essenes" carried it, and it was permitted to be
carried on the Sabbath as part of one's adornment! [Heng.JRev,
21] Needless to say, this weapon would not be much use against
the Temple police - much less against any number of armed Roman
soldiers!
5.The manner in which Jesus entered Jerusalem was
that of a Jewish king who claimed the throne. Convinced that he
was King of the Jews and in deliberate fulfillment of Zechariah's
prophecy, Jesus rides into Jerusalem on an ass's colt. The people
greet Jesus with strewn palms and cries of "Hosanna!" the ancient
cry of Jewish independence. For Jesus to not have known the
seditious actions that this implied, and the political impact that
his act caused, would be incredulous to say the least. (This is in
direct contrast with the Gospels which attempt to contradict
Jesus' action and claim that he was not seeking an earthly
kingdom--clearly absurd given the circumstances.)
Here is the one place where Still is partially correct. Jesus was
indeed asserting His right as King/Messiah in this action. But as
Sanders
[Sand.JesJud,
294] notes, "everything we know about Jesus indicates that he
sought no secular kingship." Jesus' kingdom, as He said, was "not of
this world," and every thread of His teachings supports that
connotation - and where Still gets this idea of "Hosanna" as "an
ancient cry of Jewish independence," I cannot say, although some in
the crowd may well have anticipated some sort of political/military
action by Jesus anyway! The cry may well have had multiple
functions, but Still offers no footnote for the reader to check
out.
But then again, even in that case, the crowd members would have
been engaging in some wishful thinking - just as the
Jesus-as-revolutionary crowd does! The prophecy in Zechariah 9:9
states that the king comes to Jerusalem "GENTLE and riding on a
donkey" - not to make war, but to "proclaim peace to the nations"
(Zech. 9:10b). Seditious in Roman eyes, true enough; but no
indicator of Zealot-like military aspirations!
("Charge!"..."Hee-haw!!! Hee-haw!!!")
Beyond all of the above, however, a simple fact is this: There is
no need for Jesus to have been leader of a para-military group for
the Romans to have taken action and seen a case for sedition. This
was not the case for John the Baptist, whom Josephus tells us Herod
executed as a precaution against uprising because he "feared that
such eloquence could stir the people to some form of sedition," [Rivk.WCJ, 30]
- and our only records show that this was also the case for
Jesus. If Jesus had indeed been the founder of an insurgent
political group, then His followers would have been rounded up and
arrested - but this did not happen; instead, Christianity was
tolerated, perhaps even protected, by the Romans up until the time
of Nero. (It is not sufficient to hazard, as Carmichael does [Carm.UCO,
143-4] , that Jesus' followers "managed to survive Roman
justice by disavowing complicity and fleeing." Rome was not known
for that type of tolerance towards insurrectionists, even former
ones, especially in Judea! In every other recorded case - Judas,
Theudas, the unnamed Egyptian - followers were arrested and executed
- Yama.TCJ, 7
- and they would not hear any excuses about how, "This time it's
different"!) Clearly, the Romans "regarded (Jesus) as dangerous at
one level but not at another: dangerous as one who excited the hopes
and dreams of the Jews, but not as an actual leader of an insurgent
group"
[Sand.JesJud,
295] . Or, as Sanders says elsewhere [Sand.HistF,
265] : "The high priest wanted (Jesus) dead for the same reason
Antipas wanted John dead: he might cause trouble." Historical
revisionism is as uncalled for as it is
ridiculous. |
 Secular
Sources
Before
delving into the Gospel accounts for specifics, we will see if there
is any evidence that is relevant in secular works of the period. Two
items in particular are from strongly reliable sources.
We have
elsewhere studied the testimony of Tacitus.
Let's take a look at the most relevant portion here:
Christus, the founder of the name, was put to
death by Pontius Pilate, procurator of Judea in the reign of
Tiberius...
This
confirms that Jesus was executed under Roman supervision - which is
generally agreed to by all reasonable parties. (Christ-mythers are
therefore excluded, of course.)
Now let
us examine a passage that gives some of the historical revisionists
heartburn - the so-called Testimonium Flavium:
Antiquities 18.3.3 Now there was about this time
Jesus, a wise man, for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher
of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to
him both many of the Jews, and many of the Gentiles. When Pilate,
at the suggestion of the principal men among us, had condemned him
to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake
him. And the tribe of Christians so named from him are not extinct
at this day.
Here we
have removed all of the phrases regarded as interpolations - and
note well what is NOT among them: A phrase which, in agreement with
the Gospels, clearly indicates that the Jewish leadership had a role
in having Jesus executed!
Attempts
to explain away this passage by those who wish to eliminate all
Jewish involvement - whether out of concern over anti-Semitism, or
in order to view Jesus as a Zealot executed directly by Rome - are
quite frankly laughable. Fricke, in an effort to avoid the necessary
conclusion of Jewish involvement, takes the desperate expedient of
declaring the entire passage a forgery, and says [Fric.CMJ,
48-9] :
That these sentences constitute a forgery, and a
rather crude one at that, is no longer doubted by any serious
researcher as far as I know.
Needless
to say, Fricke's bibliography contains no references to serious and
recognized Josephan scholars such as Thackery and Feldman - but does
contain such stellar names as Drews and Maccoby! So, it is not
surprising that the "forgery" view is as far as his knowledge
extends , and that he considers the stand of authenticity a
"minority view"! As we have shown in this
article, this is FAR FROM a minority view - and again, the
phrase we are concerned with here is not one of those that is in
doubt! (And rather ironically, Fricke later has the nerve [ibid.,
152] to complain that if the Gospel record were true, then it is
"inconceivable" that something did not find its way into secular
histories! Some people you just can't please no matter how hard you
try!)
Cohn [Cohn.TDJ,
310], a little less brazenly, merely hints at the
total-interpolation theory, but prefers mild skepticism, saying:
"...once it is established that at least some of the phrases in (the
Testimonium Flavium) were interpolated by a Christian editor,
no part of it can confidently be regarded as the composition of
Josephus, and the whole is suspect...with no objective and reliable
criterion to determine which (the sentence in question) is, it can
prove nothing." Cohn is merely blowing bubbles here: Josephan
scholars have objective and reliable criterion to work with, and
have determined that the sentence implicating the leading men of the
Jewish nation is NOT one of the interpolations. This is sheer fancy
on Cohn's part; but just in case, he has another suggestion! (ibid.,
312) To wit:
...Josephus himself would then be suspect of a
tendentious purpose of his own: no less than the interpolators
were at pains to put blame on the Jews and whitewash Pilate,
Josephus was at pains to assign the credit for the crucifixion of
Jesus to the Jews and Romans in equal shares.
So,
Josephus apparently would lie about Jewish involvement just to curry
favor with Rome! This seems to be an overstatement of what is said
by Brandon
[Brand.TJ,
39], who is trying to show why Josephus would make mention of such a
thing in the first place:
On a priori grounds...it is likely that Josephus,
in the interest of his apologetical theme, would have shown that
the Jewish leaders took prompt action to suppress
(Christianity)...
Since
Christianity was regarded as being of revolutionary origin, Brandon
argues, Josephus would gladly demonstrate that the Jews wanted no
part of it. But I find it a little too convenient that anywhere Cohn
finds a problem that works against his theory, he suspects
revisionism or tendentiousness. There is no reason for Josephus to
have LIED about Jewish participation; in fact, we may just as easily
argue that a) taking credit from Rome would have gotten him in
trouble; and, b) all he had to do was say that the Jewish leaders
merely DENOUNCED Jesus - but there is more to it than even
that!
Accepting, then, the passage in question as authentic,
critical study reveals that what Josephus records is quite in light
with what the Gospels portray. The word we read "suggestion" is
endeixei - which is "a straightforward legal term denoting
the laying of information against a person, or a writ of
indictment."
[Brand.TJ,
152] This, as we shall see, matches at least one (if not more)
suggestion for viewing the Jewish trial in the Gospels.
The
matter is secure, and attested to both inside and outside the
Gospels: The Jewish leadership of the time assuredly had some
involvement in the demise of Jesus. The questions remains: How far
did this involvement go? And that's the subject of several of our
next sections.
(As an
aside, and as a tribute to how desperate historical revisionism can
get, I would merely like to mention here that a small paragraph in
the Talmudic sources refers to "Jesus of Nazareth" as being indicted
by the Jewish leadership on several charges and "hanged on the eve
of Passover." We ascribe little value to this reference, other than
it indicates that there was no denial of Jewish involvement in
Jesus' demise.
Cohn [Cohn.TDJ,
307] , however, knows that this plays havoc with his theory
that the Jewish leadership was trying to save Jesus. He admits that
his theory would almost require that there be some mention in the
Talmud that Jesus was a favored person and that the "trial" was
performed as a saving measure. Thus, he hypothesizes:
* That
the "Jesus" in question above was not the Christian Jesus - the
words "of Nazareth" having been interpolated at a much later
date!
* That
the "favorable review" of Jesus was expunged by later editors and
censors!
Needless
to say, at such points we are knee-deep in sardine territory, and
are obliged to wonder if facts are not being invented in order to
save what is already a rather overstretched
theory!) |
 Dragnet!:
Who Arrested Jesus?
[Scriptural
Data] [Rome and
Local Cooperation] [Why Was
Jesus Arrested?] [The
Arrest Party] [John's
"Backwards Fall"] [Roman
Soldiers?] [The
Malchus Bit]
Matthew: While he was still speaking, Judas, one
of the Twelve, arrived. With him was a large crowd armed with
swords and clubs, sent from the chief priests and the elders of
the people...
Mark: Just as he was speaking, Judas, one of the
Twelve, appeared. With him was a crowd armed with swords and
clubs, sent from the chief priests, the teachers of the law, and
the elders.
Luke: While he was still speaking a crowd came
up, and the man who was called Judas, one of the Twelve, was
leading them....Then Jesus said to the chief priests, the officers
of the temple guard, and the elders...
John: So Judas came to the grove, guiding a
detachment of soldiers and some officials from the chief priests
and Pharisees. They were carrying torches, lanterns and
weapons...Then the detachment of soldiers with its commander and
the Jewish officials arrested Jesus.
The
Gospels are unanimous: The Jewish leadership was involved with the
arrest of Jesus. But several other questions arise in this
matter.
That the
Jewish authorities had a hand in the arrest of Jesus is seldom
doubted by anyone who accepts that Jewish officials had some part in
the trial of Jesus. Sanders resolves that "(t)he Romans did not act
entirely on their own initiative. We could know this to be the case
without accepting as authentic a single one of the conflict stories
in the Gospels." [Sand.JesJud,
295] On the other hand, Fricke, who wishes to deny all Jewish
involvement, suggests that the only Jews in the arresting party were
interpreters[Fric.CMJ, 130].
However, this would
run against not only the testimony of the Gospels and the
implications of Jospehus, but also against the normal Roman
procedure - for evidence from throughout the Roman Empire indicates
that local police forces were generally the ones responsible for
making arrests.
In Judea, that meant
the Jewish religious authorities, and in Jerusalem particularly, the
high priest and the Temple police. Rivkin [Rivk.WCJ, 31]
notes that a function of the high priest:
...was
to serve as the eyes and ears of the puppet king or procurator, so
as to head off demonstrative challenges to Roman
rule.
Similarly, Brandon
[Brand.TJ, 88] reports that it was the duty of the high priest -
especially in light of the threat Jesus presented to orderly
government - to discover the nature of Jesus' intentions. Sanders
[Sand.HistF, 266, 269] adds that the high priests and his counselors
"often had the task of preventing trouble and stopping
trouble-makers," and also states:
When
Caiaphas ordered Jesus to be arrested, he was carrying out his
duties, one of the chief of which was to prevent
uprising.
This is right in line
with the admonition of Caiaphas recorded in the Gospel of John,
concerning Jesus:
Then the
chief priests and the Pharisees called a meeting of the Sanhedrin.
"What are we accomplishing?" they asked. "Here is this man
performing many miraculous signs. If we let him go on like this,
everyone will believe in him, and then the Romans will come and
take away both our place and our nation." Then one of them, named
Caiaphas, who was high priest that year, spoke up, "You know
nothing at all! You do not realize that it is better for you that
one man die for the people than that the whole nation
perish."
And Winter [Wint.TJ, 28-9]
goes further than Rivkin, agreeing that the high priest
had...
...(a)
duty to render assistance in the apprehension of political
suspects and in the preparation of proceedings against political
offenders....
This applied, Winter
notes, even when the suspect in question was wanted by the Romans.
Harvey [Harv.JTr,
2] adds that it was "more normal procedure" for the arrest to
be initiated by the Jews than for there to be direct Roman
intervention. Why? Because throughout the Empire, the Romans would
not dismantle the local institutions of justice; rather, they would
use them to their own ends [Wint.TJ, 29] . And this was rather necessary for the Romans to do,
throughout the Empire, for these reasons:
1) The Romans could
hardly afford to spread themselves too thin - especially in
Judea. The popular idea of a Roman soldier on every corner is
patently erroneous - the Romans held Judea with only about three
thousand troops [Wils.ExJ, 6] ; they could hardly spare the men to arrest every single
criminal!
2) The wheels of
justice turne | |